The Somali Democracy is for Sale
Introduction
Elections are essential public services, and the Somali government has to ensure that citizens can vote and be voted for without any fee charges. A foundational aspect of a functional democracy is the accessibility and integrity of its electoral process. To achieve this, the Somali government must establish a reliable system of national or state identification cards that all citizens must possess for election identification. This measure will promote transparency and inclusivity in the electoral process, ensuring every eligible voter can participate
The Somali Democracy is for Sale
Introduction
Elections are essential public services, and the Somali government has to ensure that citizens can vote and be voted for without any fee charges. A foundational aspect of a functional democracy is the accessibility and integrity of its electoral process. To achieve this, the Somali government must establish a reliable system of national or state identification cards that all citizens must possess for election identification. This measure will promote transparency and inclusivity in the electoral process, ensuring every eligible voter can participate without hindrance.
Proposed Political Party Structure
The proposed law for the Somali government suggests the establishment of three national political parties, each validated for a tenure of ten years. Under this framework, it is anticipated that primarily two parties will garner the majority of votes, while a third party will exist nominally, receiving less than 5% of the electoral support. This structure contradicts democratic norms, which dictate that political parties should have effective mandates until the next election, allowing for genuine competition and representation.
After the conclusion of each election cycle, there should be a process to select the political parties eligible to compete in subsequent national and local elections. Limiting the system to a permanent two-party framework may appear convenient; however, adopting three parties with ten-year tenures creates a monopoly devoid of competition. Such a setup stifles political dynamism and hinders the emergence of new political voices that could challenge the status quo.
Campaign Participation and Government Employees
The proposed election law states that government officials and employees are ineligible to campaign for their parties. This provision raises critical questions, particularly because many government officials are also candidates in the elections. While it is essential to maintain the integrity of the electoral process, prohibiting government workers from engaging in political campaigning — unless they are part of the election administration — undermines democratic participation. All citizens possess the inalienable right to advocate for their preferred candidates, and it is unjust to restrict this right based on employment status.
Age Discrimination in Electoral Participation
Another concerning aspect of the proposed election law is the exclusion of individuals over the age of 70 from voting for district councilors. This provision constitutes age discrimination, undermining the principle that democratic political culture recognizes no age limits for political participation, provided individuals are healthy enough to fulfill their elected duties. Denying older citizens the right to vote or to run for office diminishes the richness of democratic representation and fails to acknowledge the valuable insights and experiences that senior citizens can contribute to governance.
Citizenship and Dual Citizenship Issues
Current senior government officials in Somalia primarily hold Somali citizenship, while many politicians have received education in Western countries and possess dual citizenship. The Interim Constitution recognizes individuals with dual citizenship, granting them full citizenship rights. However, the newly proposed election law alienates dual citizens, suggesting they are second-class citizens and prohibiting them from running for the presidency. This exclusion reflects an antagonistic stance by current officials, aiming to eliminate more competitive candidates from the electoral landscape. This trend not only limits the pool of candidates but also undermines the principles of inclusivity and meritocracy in governance.
Governance Structure in Mogadishu
The proposed structure for governance in Mogadishu, Somalia’s capital, stipulates that councilors will be elected without the election of a mayor or head of state. Instead, the central government would appoint a head of the region, equivalent to a cabinet minister. This arrangement undermines the autonomy of local governance and denies the residents of Mogadishu the right to elect their own representatives. A more democratic approach would allow the people to elect their regional head and for the parliament to elect a mayor for the district, thereby affirming the democratic principles of representation and local governance.
Election Administration and Oversight
The independence of the electoral commission is crucial for ensuring free and fair elections. Unfortunately, the proposed election law fails to mandate a permanent election date, which could lead to indefinite postponements and extensions of the tenures of elected officials. Furthermore, assigning the president — a candidate in the elections — the authority to approve voter registration and other preparatory measures raises concerns about the impartiality of the electoral process. This arrangement suggests that the election commission may serve more as an extension of government authority rather than an independent body dedicated to overseeing fair elections.
Financial Barriers to Political Participation
The proposed election law introduces substantial fees for candidates and political parties, ranging from $100,000 to $250, thereby creating significant financial barriers to entry. This monetization of the electoral process fosters a system where the political landscape is shaped by financial capacity rather than ideological alignment or public support. Such a practice effectively turns elections into a bidding war, where the highest bidder may secure a place in the political arena. The implications of this system are profound; it undermines the democratic principle of equal representation and can lead to the establishment of a ruling party or a select group of candidates preordained to win.
Conclusion
The proposed election law in Somalia, while ostensibly aimed at creating a structured electoral process, ultimately undermines the foundations of a democratic society. By imposing financial barriers, limiting political participation based on age and citizenship status, and creating monopolistic party structures, it risks producing a façade of democracy rather than a genuine representation of the people’s will. For Somalia to move towards a more robust and inclusive democracy, it is imperative to revise these proposals, ensuring that elections are accessible, competitive, and reflective of the diverse voices within the country. Only through genuine democratic practices can Somalia hope to achieve stability, representation, and progress.